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President Trump wants a “preliminary draft” of a “comprehensive strategy and plans for defeating” the Islamic State on his desk in 30 days.

The president stipulated six criteria in a memorandum Saturday calling for the preliminary plan, which will be prepared by Defense Secretary Jim Mattis. The outline calls for a suite of policy proposals, ranging from public diplomacy “to isolate and delegitimize ISIS” to identifying the funding for the plan. But the most critical policy requests, in terms of how they relate to Trump’s campaign rhetoric and broader U.S. foreign policy, pertain to the military’s rules of engagement and the list of potential partners in the fight against ISIS.

The memorandum makes clear that Trump wants to use more aggressive tactics in combat, but it stops short of Trump’s inclination to “bring back a hell of a lot worse than waterboarding,” on the campaign trail. Instead, Mattis has been directed to recommend “changes to any United States rules of engagement and other United States policy restrictions that exceed the requirements of international law regarding the use of force against ISIS.”

The U.S. military has operated under strict rules of engagement in Syria designed to minimize civilian casualties, as opposed to Russia, which the State Department and humans rights groups have accused of indisciminately bombing combatants and innocents alike.

Trump also wants Mattis to identify “new coalition partners in the fight against ISIS and policies to empower coalition partners to fight ISIS and its affiliates.” His phone call with Russian President Vladimir Putin, which took place on Saturday before the release of the memo, raises the likelihood that Russia could be a part of that expanded coalition.

If that’s the case, the next 30 days could witness a debate within the Trump administration about whether the United States military will actually coordinate with Russia against the Islamic State in Syria. This was a controversial policy proposal last year, when then-Secretary of State John Kerry tried to negotiate a ceasefire agreement in Syria that would have resulted in coordination between the U.S. and Russia. The Defense Department was strongly opposed to the idea, fearing the risks of revealing the precise location of U.S. forces in Syria to Russia.

“The secretary of defense has been clear that he has been skeptical of Russia’s activities in Syria and we have reason for that. There’s plenty of reasons for that skepticism,” then-Pentagon spokesman Peter Cook told reporters last July. “And I think he maintains that skepticism.”

The composition of Trump’s foreign policy team sets the table for a similar fight in his administration. Secretary of State-nominee Rex Tillerson has a history of working with Russia, dating back to his time as CEO of Exxon Mobil, and he avoided making political or policy statements during his confirmation hearing that would limit Trump’s options with regard to Russian engagement.

More to the point, White House national security adviser Mike Flynn, a retired Army lieutenant general, has long advocated closer cooperation with Russia. “We beat Hitler because of our relationship with the Russians, so anybody that looks on it as anything but a relationship that’s required for mutual supporting interests, including ISIS … that’s really where I’m at with Russia,” Flynn told the Washington Post in August. “We have a problem with radical Islamism and I actually think that we could work together with them against this enemy. They have a worse problem than we do.”

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Mattis, however, said during his Senate confirmation hearing that Putin will “never be our partner,” although he left the door open to some cooperation. “I support the president-elect’s desire to engage with Russia now,” he said. “When we identify other areas where we cannot cooperate, we must confront Russia’s behavior and defend ourselves if Russia chooses to act contrary to our interests.”

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