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An estimated 1 million people in the United States and in cities in countries around the world turned out for the feminist protests against the new president, far too many in strange-looking hats while carrying signs that referenced female anatomy in other than medical terms.

The female population of the United States was listed in 2014 as 162 million. If one subtracts 62 million for children and others it means that 100 million more women chose not to attend the marches, ignored them, or didn’t know they took place. More important than this is the fact that more than two months before American women en-masse had marched to the polls, where white women voted against Hillary Clinton, 53 percent to 47 percent, and the feminist movement did not take this well.

“White women sold out the sisterhood and the world,” said one Slate writer, who blamed this result on “Self loathing. Hypocrisy. And, of course, a racist view of the world.” And how in the world did this get to be racist? Because the white women had fallen down in their duty to stand with the non-white, the disabled, and those of gender-fluidity in the battle against the white male establishment that had been oppressing them all.

In actual fact, most of them had voted against economic stagnation, which had devastated many working class families, and left many white males without colleges degrees in states of economic and psychic despair. These female backers agreed Trump was gross, Susan Chira reports, but were troubled still more by size-of-government issues, finding health care too big and the state too intrusive. They were vexed most of all by “immigration, terrorism, and the impact of trade upon jobs.” None of these concerns seemed to exist among feminist thinkers, who assumed women focused on their sets of issues, outside the realms of most people’s problems, or the currents of popular thought.

Their issues included “the first woman president” though only 31 percent of Americans thought it a critical issue, transgender bathrooms (or “anti-hate legislation,”), and of course unrestricted (and largely guilt-free) abortion, though polls for the past thirty years have shown the public, women included, divided about it.

So intent were they on purity on this particular matter that they ordered several contingents of pro-life feminists out of their march and their movement. This demonstrated the inherent and inherently fatal, flaw of the movement, which is that it claims to speak for all women, while denouncing, attacking, and excluding women who differ with them upon anything. The idea that it can have both universal appeal AND complete ideological conformity across a wide and diverse set of issues is the paradox and flaw it cannot see around, get around, or even admit is a problem. Their view is right, all women SHOULD see it, seems to be their one answer, which is not a solution at all.

“The dream of female solidarity is, and always has been, a myth,” Chira tells us, in the New York Times of all places, whose editorial pages seem to think otherwise. “Sisterhood, as real sisterhood tends to be, turned out to be riddled with complications,” as the blog 538 has agreed. The biggest complication of all is that just as a rigid and extreme ideological feminist movement is emerging as the prime driving force in liberal politics, the “women’s movement,” as it began and once was called earlier, is losing its grip upon women in general, its ability to speak to and for them, or to understand them at all.

Noemie Emery, a Washington Examiner columnist, is a contributing editor to The Weekly Standard and author of “Great Expectations: The Troubled Lives of Political Families.”

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