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The more we pick through the wreckage of Hillary Clinton’s failed presidential campaign, the more it seems her team really had no idea what they were doing.

From the misallocation of resources, to reportedly turning away campaign volunteers, to ignoring entire voting blocs, Clinton’s botched bid for the White House should serve as a lesson for anyone who thinks predictive models alone win elections, and that field reports and outside counsel are unimportant.

That means you, Robby Mook.

A recurring claim in several reports written since Nov. 8 is that Mook, Clinton’s 36-year-old supposed wunderkind campaign manager, believed his data — “the model” — was the absolute, final authority on everything.

“The model” dictated nearly every aspect of the campaign, including where money was allocated to the volume of television ad buys.

At a luncheon last week in Washington, D.C., a former senior member of Clinton’s media team cited “the model” repeatedly during a presentation in which he sought to explain how they managed to lose the election to Donald Trump.

The campaign didn’t account for this issue because “the model” didn’t show it, and it overcompensated for that issue because “the model” told them to, and so on.

Mook and the rest of his team, which was headquartered in Brooklyn, N.Y., were reportedly so confident in “the model” that they pushed back aggressively on field reports suggesting the campaign’s ground strategy had holes in it.

This overreliance on data led to what appear now to be serious blunders, including the time Clinton’s Brooklyn team actually chastised volunteers who tried to lock down Michigan for their nominee

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From Politico:

[When] the Service Employees International Union started hearing anxiety out of Michigan, union officials decided to reroute their volunteers, giving a desperate team on the ground around Detroit some hope.
[…]
Brooklyn was furious.
Turn that bus around, the Clinton team ordered SEIU. Those volunteers needed to stay in Iowa to fool Donald Trump into competing there, not drive to Michigan, where the Democrat’s models projected a 5-point win through the morning of Election Day.

Even more astounding than this example is the fact Clinton’s team went along with a plan concocted by interim Democratic National Committee Chairwoman Donna Brazile in which millions of campaign dollars were dumped into efforts to boost popular voter turnout in safe, Democratic-leaning strongholds, including New Orleans and Chicago, and not into crucial swing states.

But these anecdotes are not even the most remarkable of that Politico report. Another section of the same story alleges some campaign volunteers in Michigan were turned away because Clinton’s people didn’t have any literature or paraphernalia for them:

Michigan operatives relay stories like one about an older woman in Flint who showed up at a Clinton campaign office, asking for a lawn sign and offering to canvass, being told these were not “scientifically” significant ways of increasing the vote, and leaving, never to return. A crew of building trade workers showed up at another office looking to canvass, but, confused after being told there was no literature to hand out like in most campaigns, also left and never looked back.

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Trump would go on to win Michigan by 47.5 percent to 47.3, taking each of the state’s 16 electoral votes. It would be the first time since 1988 that a Republican presidential candidate would win the Great Lakes State.

There are additional examples of Clinton’s team wasting time and money in the wrong places, including when they deployed additional staffers and surrogates to Utah, which they would lose 45 percent to 27 percent, or during the final days of the campaign when Clinton herself campaigned in Arizona, which they would lose 48 percent to 44 percent.

Meanwhile, Clinton never once set foot in Wisconsin during the general election. Trump took the Badger State by 47.2 percent to 46.4 percent.

These obvious missteps were not helped by the fact that Clinton’s circle of trusted advisers reportedly grew smaller and more insular thanks to the efforts of her longtime aide and confidant, Huma Abedin. Any attempt by outsiders to warn Clinton were either ignored or blocked by the candidate’s elite circle of apparently oblivious aides.

In November, in the immediate aftermath of Clinton’s stunning defeat, it seemed her campaign’s greatest mistake was dismissing Bill Clinton’s warning that they were making a terrible mistake by ignoring white rural and working-class voters.

But these latest revelations give even that disastrous decision a run for its money.

At this point, as new details of what Clinton’s people got wrong continue to crop up, and as her former strategists and advisors grow increasingly defensive, perhaps it would be wise to keep a running tally of all of the campaign’s mind-bogglingly stupid mistakes.

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