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Republicans are unified around two ideas in approaching Obamacare: They need to hold a repeal vote early next year, and they need to ensure Americans don’t immediately lose their coverage or subsidies.

But the other decisions to be made—how much of the law to repeal, what to replace it with and what legislative vehicles to use—are the subject of earnest and ongoing discussions among key aides and members, who just ten days ago saw the doors to Obamacare repeal unexpectedly open with Donald Trump’s presidential victory.

Members, aides and lobbyists say most congressional Republicans feel strongly that they need to hold a repeal vote in January or February, as they’ve spent the past six years promising voters to do so should a Republican win the White House.

“One thing large thing decided is they need to show to the American public and to their voters very early that they are repealing the Affordable Care Act,” one health lobbyist told the Washington Examiner.

And regardless of whether that repeal bill includes any policies to replace the Affordable Care Act, it needs to delay the law’s phase-out to ensure millions of Americans with marketplace plans and expanded Medicaid don’t suddenly lose coverage, which could be a political disaster for the GOP.

“We actually are on the cusp of getting something done,” said Rep. Mike Burgess, R-Texas. “We don’t want to be our own adversaries now.”

It would also be surprising if Congress didn’t in some way use a legislative vehicle known as budget reconciliation, allowing the Senate to pass a repeal and possibly replace bill with just 51 votes and bypass Democrats.

But beyond those likelihoods, there is a complicated mix of scenarios that could play out over the next few months.

Congress could keep things simple and pass the budget reconciliation repeal bill it sent last year to President Obama, who vetoed it. Or, members could try to add things in or strip parts out, although that’s a tricky process since items in reconciliation bills must be judged by the Senate parliamentarian to have a budgetary effect.

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The political key would be to pass a bill that would allow Republicans to claim they repealed Obamacare, even if the measure strips away only parts conservatives have railed against the most, like its individual and employer mandates to buy coverage.

Trump, who last week suggested he’d be willing to only “amend” the law instead of ditch the whole thing, would likely claim to have carried out his repeal promise even if most of the law stays intact.

“I’m sure he could brand an amendment, if that’s what happens, as repeal-and-replace,” said William Pierce, a consultant who served in the Department of Health and Human Services under George W. Bush. “And now it’s called Trumpcare and it’s huge and it’s beautiful. It’s bigly.”

The even harder question is what to replace it with and how. Republicans could include replacement elements in an initial repeal bill. Or, they could use a second reconciliation bill later in the year, that one tied to a budget resolution for 2018, to replace the law.

The healthcare reform plan House Speaker Paul Ryan unveiled over the summer will serve as a blueprint for replacing Obamacare. But not all Republicans have coalesced around that plan, there are elements that could prompt industry pushback and there are big questions around how to transition from Obamacare’s system of coverage to the one envisioned by Ryan and other conservatives.

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“The question still remains—are there other pieces that move in that reconciliation bill that get at some of the core replacement pieces,” said Emily Murry, staff director of the health subcommittee for the House Ways and Means Committee. “That’s what we’re still working through right now.”

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