All of us are familiar with the history of FDR and the bedrock elements of his New Deal coalition. Recently arrived immigrants, blacks and urban blue-collar whites gave Roosevelt their votes and their steadfast devotion on the electoral path to four consecutive wins.

But the foundation of this powerful coalition was organized labor — a gritty generation of working-class Democrats who would remain faithful to the Democratic Party’s brand until a steady move left in the 1960s began to strain what had been a spectacularly successful relationship.

Indeed, beginning with George McGovern and proceeding to the present day, private-sector union members have continued to migrate toward the GOP in national elections — so much so that union-dominated rust belt states are now an essential component for a Donald Trump (or for that matter any GOP nominee) victory in a presidential election cycle.

But big labor’s leadership has not followed suit. Their relentless efforts to expand membership rolls — a long-term losing proposition — requires a steadfast commitment to the Democratic ticket, their members wishes (and especially their social views) notwithstanding.

This history sets the stage for an under-the-radar yet hugely significant issue in this highly charged election season. I refer to the makeup of the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB), that powerful group of individuals tasked with the job of calling balls and strikes in the modern workplace. Their decisions carry immense impact on union organizing activities — and the private-sector job creators who must abide by NLRB decisions.

Few would argue that the Obama era has turned the NLRB into a decidedly labor-left direction. Three of its most notorious decisions come easily to mind.

There was an egregious 2011 charge of illegal retaliation against Washington-based Boeing for its decision to open a new factory in right-to-work South Carolina. Note that no Washington-based union member lost a job as a result of the move. Nevertheless, Boeing decided to settle the complaint. Few private-sector employees failed to notice the dangerous precedent.

There was President Obama’s attempt to make three recess appointments in January of 2012 — despite the fact that the Senate was not in recess at the time. Alas, a 2014 Supreme Court decision nullifying the appointments was partially undone when a Republican Senate agreed to approve a slate of new pro-labor nominees.

Then there was the recent decision to charge “McDonald’s Corp.” as a “joint employer” with its franchises for purposes of litigating unfair labor practice complaints. This despite the fact that the vast majority of McDonald’s restaurants (80 percent) are independently owned and operated.

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The decision also leaves the Trump camp to focus on four states that are critical to its success in November.

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(For a more thorough analysis, see Washington Examiner columnist Sean Higgins’ column of Sept. 12, 2016, “How Obama has tilted the workplace for unions.”

Note that while there does appear to be an outer limit to the board’s seemingly endless quest to expand organizing rights (a full board overturned a regional office’s decision that Northwestern University’s football team could unionize), the fact remains that the Obama NLRB has morphed into a game-changing subsidiary of organized labor. And nobody in Washington, D.C., believes Hillary Clinton will do anything to change the status quo.

The advent of this decidedly anti-employer majority has coincided with the weakest economic recovery in 50 years. More recently, it has coincided with the rise of Trump. Most political pundits tie Trump’s rise to the federal government’s perceived indifference to the enforcement of our immigration laws and the serial failures of the GOP congressional leadership to confront a wildly progressive president.

There is some truth to the theory, but the primary cause of the Trump phenomenon is Obama-era slow growth — that unsustainable 1-2 percent per year growth rate that has choked so many working-class households and given rise to a well-chronicled sense of hopelessness in blue-collar America.

This working-class discontent has further stressed what remains of the Democratic Party’s hold on white, blue-collar union members. These folks still work with their hands. Some envision starting a business of their own. They reject Obama’s “you didn’t build that” mantra. And they do not resent wealth or “the 1 percent”; they simply want an opportunity to give their children a better life — the essential definition of the “American dream.”

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The order delineated specific tasks to different agencies and departments.

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How ironic that the union households that flock to Trump rallies by the tens of thousands are the same workers a rabidly progressive union leadership and NLRB majority claim to represent.

Gov. Robert Ehrlich is a Washington Examiner columnist, partner at King & Spalding and author of three books, including the recently released “Turning Point.” He was governor of Maryland from 2003-07.

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